In this chapter, aspects of Shipibo people's perceptions and experiences regarding the popularization and internationalization ofayahuascawere recounted. The first and foremost conclusion to draw from these descriptions is that the Shipibo have a highly ambiguous approach to the topic, in detail, mostly depending on each individual's positioning in the context. This ambiguity is similar in structure to the disparate positions that can be observed in Europe or North America when it comes to regulation, authorization, or the harms and benefits ofayahuasca use. Finally; the emergence of "ayahuasca ceremonies" in ritual frameworks that were not performed in native contexts was discussed. These new ritual celebrations correlate at the same time with the Northerner's expectations of "indigeneity," and with the disappearance of other Shipibo rituals that were not connected to ayahuasca. Apparently) this new ritual serves for performing and (re-) creating the cosmos for both the visitors (including their audiences in their home countries) and the Shipibo, Shipibo people seem to be in need of a new performance oftheir positionality as an animist society that is now merging with the globalizing Northern (naturalistic) ontology. A more secular consequence ofayahuasca tourism is the growing disparity of income and power among Shipibo people: Those who actively seek contact and catch (and at times incorporate) " their rinko people" can expect economic advantages. On the other hand) those who retain their life apart from ayahuasca tourism do not share in these possibilities. In 2011) those who live well on ayahuasca tourism are still a only a few dozen persons (author's estimate), while the difference is made up by around fifty thousand living Shipibo people who do not receive their share of the cake. This is, however) the " normal" impact of capitalism that) in the Shipibos case)is closely related to ayahuasca. In other societies, it may be connected with a specific history; with ecological peculiarities) with production) extraction, or any other phenomena that can be exploited by capitalist structures.f A majority of today's Shipibo people suffer from a lack of medical services. " Hospital medicine" in Ucayali is still poorly developed and, in most cases) far away and expensive-a huge barrier) especially for rural Shipibo. At the same time, many medicos transform to chamanes and, in some instances, refrain from working with poor natives because they get used to earning much more when working with foreigners. I am sure that such cases are very rare in an explicit sense, but the problem is the mere thought ofmany Shipibo commoners, " IfI do not pay him well like the rinko people do, he will not cure me accordingly." Such thoughts reflect a loss of confidence in the medicos. In former times, healing failure could be explained in terms of the patient's missing diet, for example, or of repeated counterattacks by enemies that outnumber the healer, or similar renderings. Nowadays, patients may explain healing failure with the argument indicated above: the healer does not take the patient's problem seriously anymore because he is much more engaged in earning money with foreigners. Whether these problems can be brought to a satisfactory end, with all sides winning, depends on the art of negotiation applied by chamanes and medicos and their rhetoric toward both their own people and the visitors. To a great extent it also depends on the sensibility of the Northerners who are engaging in ayahuasca tourism or working within "modern" ayahuasca formats. One indicator that many Shipibo still feel able to control the situation is the good-humored aspect of their discourse. In the course ofthis chapter, I have described various instances where fun is made of chamanes, apprentices, or inexperienced Northerners. In Shipibo ontology and understanding of magic relations, fun can be made of entities that have less competence in (magical) perception and action than those who laugh. As long as there is laughter, there is hope. In some instances, I was told by Shipibo medicos and chamanes that they tried to educate, or even "civilize" (raeti in Shipibo), rinko people to behave like "Real People." If successful, the "civilized ones" would regard reciprocity among humans and nonhumans (spiritually and ecologically, so to say) in their consumption and production habits. This actually coincides with the intention of the many apprentices who strive to bring this message to the North in order to save their societies and, consequently, the world from the looming threat of authoritarian domination by the finance sector. Although I do not think that this can be achieved by drinking and administering ayahuasca (which, on the contrary, facilitates the introduction of capitalism to native societies), maybe it does no harm ifdone consciously. Let us hope so,for the Shipibo's sake aswell as our own.